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* Thomas Woodrow Wilson, 1856-1924／第28代アメリカ合衆国大統領,在任期間：1913年3月4日-1921年3月4日／進歩主義的国内改革を実行。第一次世界大戦中は中立の立場に立ったが,1917年4月6日にドイツへ宣戦布告。1918年１月８日,第一次世界大戦終結のために,連邦議会で『十四か条の平和原則』を発表。その中で彼は国際平和機構の設立を提唱し,「国際連盟」として実現したが,アメリカ自身は議会の反対で加盟できなかった。
第一章 第一次世界大戦)（承前）私がキャサリーン・マンスフィールド（Katherine Mansfield ,1888-1923）の言うことに耳を傾けていた頃は,危険な過渡期であった。第一次大戦は,私を完全な冷笑主義の淵（極限）まで追いやり（第一次大戦は,私をすべてに対し冷笑的にさせ）,少しでもやる価値のあるものが何かあるということを信じることに非常に困難を感じた（ほとんど全てに対し,やる価値を感じることができなかった）。私は,時々発作的な（ひどい）絶望状態に陥り, －－たまに（旧約聖書の）伝道の書を読む以外－－ 何も仕事をせずに,まったく無為に,ただ椅子に腰かけて,何日も続けて過ごすような状態であった。しかし,こうした時期の終わりに春(1917年春)がやってきて,そうして,コレット（= Lady Constance Malleson／右写真）との関係で私を悩ませた疑いや躊躇から,自分が解放されているのを発見した。けれども,その冬の絶望の頂点の時(1916年12月頃)に,自分のやるべき事を１つ発見した。それも,それ以外の全てと同様,無益なものだということが後でわかったが,しかし,その時は,無価値ではないと私には思えた。その頃はまだアメリカは,中立を保っていたが,私はウィルソン米国大統領（Thomas Woodrow Wilson, 1856-1924）に公開書簡を送って,世界を救ってほしいと訴えた（注：Open letter to President Wilson. In: Survey, v.37: Dec. 30, 1916, p.372-373／公開書簡が雑誌に載ったのは'1916年冬の12月末'である。／日高氏は,「こうした時期も終わって,私に春がよみがえった」「荒涼たる冬とも言うべき絶望の果てに・・・」と訳されている。'春'や'冬'は象徴ではなく,季節の'1917年の春'や'1916年12月の冬'であると思われる。）。その書簡に,私は以下のように書いた。「大統領閣下! |
The time during which I listened to Katherine was a time of dangerous transition. The War had brought me to the verge of utter cynicism, and I was having the greatest difficulty in believing that anything at all was worth doing. Sometimes I would have fits of such despair as to spend a number of successive days sitting completely idle in my chair with no occupation except to read Ecclesiastes occasionally. But at the end of this time the spring came, and I found myself free of the doubts and hesitations that had troubled me in relation to Colette. At the height of my winter despair, however, I had found one thing to do, which turned out as useless as everything else, but seemed to me at the moment not without value. America being still neutral, I wrote an open letter to President Wilson, appealing to him to save the world. In this letter I said: Sir, The military situation has now developed to the point where the ultimate issue is clear, in its broad outlines, to all who are capable of thought. It must be obvious to the authorities in all the belligerent countries that no victory for either side is possible. In Europe, the Germans have the advantage; outside Europe, and at sea, the Allies have the advantage. Neither side is able to win such a crushing victory as to compel the other to sue for peace. The war inflicts untold injuries upon the nations, but not such injuries as to make a continuance of fighting impossible. It is evident that however the war may be prolonged, negotiations will ultimately have to take place on the basis of what will be substantially the present balance of gains and losses, and will result in terms not very different from those which might be obtained now. The German Government has recognised this fact, and has expressed its willingness for peace on terms which ought to be regarded at least as affording a basis for discussion, since they concede the points which involve the honour of the Allies. The Allied Governments have not had the courage to acknowledge publicly what they cannot deny in private, that the hope of a sweeping victory is one which can now scarcely be entertained. For want of this courage, they are prepared to involve Europe in the horrors of a continuance of the war, possibly for another two or three years. This situation is intolerable to every humane man. You, Sir, can put an end to it. Your power constitutes an opportunity and a responsibility; and from your previous actions I feel confident that you will use your power with a degree of wisdom and humanity rarely to be found among statesmen. The harm which has already been done in this war is immeasurable. Not only have millions of valuable lives been lost, not only have an even greater number of men been maimed or shattered in health, but the whole standard of civilisation has been lowered. Fear has invaded men's inmost being, and with fear has come the ferocity that always attends it. Hatred has become the rule of life, and injury to others is more desired than benefit to ourselves. The hopes of peaceful progress in which our earlier years were passed are dead, and can never be revived. Terror and savagery have become the very air we breathe. The liberties which our ancestors won by centuries of struggle were sacrificed in a day, and all the nations are regimented to the one ghastly end of mutual destruction. But all this is as nothing in comparison with what the future has in store for us if the war continues as long as the announcements of some of our leading men would make us expect. As the stress increases, and weariness of the war makes average men more restive, the severity of repression has to be continually augmented. In all the belligerent countries, soldiers who are wounded or home on leave express an utter loathing of the trenches, a despair of ever achieving a military decision, and a terrible longing for peace. Our militarists have successfully opposed the granting of votes to soldiers; yet in all the countries an attempt is made to persuade the civilian population that war-weariness is confined to the enemy soldiers. The daily toll of young lives destroyed becomes a horror almost too terrible to be borne; yet everywhere, advocacy of peace is rebuked as treachery to the soldiers, though the soldiers above all men desire peace. Everywhere, friends of peace are met with the diabolical argument that the brave men who have died must not have shed their blood in vain. And so every impulse of mercy towards the soldiers who are still living is dried up and withered by a false and barren loyalty to those who are past our help. Even the men hitherto retained for making munitions, for dock labour, and for other purposes essential to the prosecution of the war, are gradually being drafted into the armies and replaced by women, with the sinister threat of coloured labour in the background. There is a very real danger that, if nothing is done to check the fury of national passion, European civilisation as we have known it will perish as completely as it perished when Rome fell before the Barbarians.
Such acquiescence as there is in continued hostilities is due entirely to fear. Every nation believes that its enemies were the aggressors, and may make war again in a few years unless they are utterly defeatd. The United States Government has the power, not only to compel the European Governments to make peace, but also to reassure the populations by making itself the guarantor of the peace. Such action, even if it were resented by the Governments, would be hailed with joy by the populations. If the German Government, as now seems likely, would not only restore conquered territory, but also give its adherence to the League to Enforce Peace or some similar method of settling disputes without war, fear would be allayed, and it is almost certain that an offer of mediation from you would give rise to an irresistible movement in favour of negotiations. But the deadlock is such that no near end to the war is likely except through the mediation of an outside Power, and such mediation can only come from you. Some may ask by what right I address you. I have no formal title; I am not any part of the machinery of government. I speak only because I must ; because others, who should have remembered civilisation and human brotherhood, have allowed themselves to be swept away by national passion; because I am compelled by their apostasy to speak in the name of reason and mercy, lest it should be thought that no one in Europe remembers the work which Europe has done and ought still to do for mankind. It is to the European races, in Europe and out of it, that the world owes most of what it possesses in thought, in science, in art, in ideals of government, in hope for the future. If they are allowed to destroy each other in futile carnage, something will be lost which is more precious than diplomatic prestige, incomparably more valuable than a sterile victory which leaves the victors themselves perishing. Like the rest of my countrymen I have desired ardently the victory of the Aliies; Like them, I have suffered when victory has been delayed. But I remember always that Europe has common tasks to fulfil; that a war among European nations is in essence a civil war; that the ill which we think of our enemies they equally think of us; and that it is difficult in time of war for a belligerent to see facts truly. Above all, I see that none of the issues in the war are as important as peace; the harm done by a peace which does not concede all that we desire is as nothing in comparison to the harm done by the continuance of the fighting. While all who have power in Europe speak for what they falsely believe to be the interests of their separate nations, I am compelled by a profound conviction to speak for all the nations in the name of Europe. In the name of Europe I appeal to you to bring us peace. |
